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The razing of Melos, and the selling of its inhabitants into slavery, was not a ” Strutture e funzione del dialogo in Tucidide e in PseudoSenofonte”, In , La . El diálogo de los melios es un pasaje perteneciente al Libro V () de la Historia de la Guerra del Peloponeso, escrita por el historiador griego Tucídides. Přečtěte si nejlepší citáty od autora Tucídides. Para el político ateniense homónimo, véase Tucídides. Tucídides fue un h.

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Discussions of the passage usually assume that both refer to politicians and that Thucydides is tacitly exempting one or more politicians of whom he approves; for example, G. The techniques necessary to implement such a tucieides had to a large extent already been developed by ancient orators and rhetoricians and by Thucydides’ own great predecessor, Herodotus.

Nelos now we can also see that part of the technique is to draw the reader in, to awaken our critical and evaluative faculties, and to make the energy of our own response contribute to the power of the text. They thought he was responsible for everything they suffered.

If it can produce such plausible results about the remote and ill-attested past, it is likely to be much more convincing when applied to contemporary history, the main subject of the book. Nothing can be proved about the date of original composition, but as he read through these passages a post-war reader would certainly be reminded, as the scholiast in 1.

Frases de Tucídides (76 citas) | Frases de famosos

They pushed ahead to make a settlement with the Lacedaemonians. The society at melps shows signs of impatience with the cliches of political oratory and the self-justifications of the belligerents. Hesiod’s idea of a Golden Age is representative of the radically different view of the past held by earlier Greek thinkers. He kept watch on the yucidides and kept it tranquil, as best he could.

They might have tried to provoke the Spartans by pointing out that delay would be considered anandria, or cowardice.

Even if the much disputed Peace of Callias did not exist, there certainly must have been some diplomatic tucidided with the Persians during the fifty years. Had the Spartans ever decided to attack Athens’ possessions in the Cyclades, then Melos would have been an essential resupply point for the Spartan navy.

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When Delphi sanctioned the request and thereby implicitly criticized Corcyra’s conductthe Corcyreans haughtily dictated terms to Epidamnus 1. The method upon which this growing confidence is based becomes evident as the Archaeology proceeds. But while the reader cannot escape the conflict between analysis and fact, the author can retain his distance and remain taciturn.


Finally, as we shall see, the Archaeology promises an exactitude sufficient for useful inferences about the past and the future.

At a material level, naval supremacy is the primary route to power in Greek history and the Athenian naval empire is the culmination dialofo a process that reaches back to Minos.

They say that there is no shame in submitting to a stronger enemy, especially one who is offering reasonable terms. They argue that the plague is not to be identified with any known disease but is an illness that has since become extinct or dormant.

In this way, the experience communicated through the work of art becomes real to the reader. That was the margin of Mitylene’s escape from danger. Geraneia and moved down to the Megarid, thinking that the Athenians would be unable to assist the Megareans when they had a large force operating in Aegina and another in Egypt.

Rather he had the standing to speak up against their passion. On the arrival of the Corinthians the Corcyreans take a more conciliatory line and offer to arbitrate 1. The historian Xenophon wrote that in BC, with the Spartan army closing in on Athens, the citizens of Athens worried that the Spartans would treat them with the same cruelty that the Athenian army had shown the Melians.

An investigation of their attitude and those of their allies could do much to balance the emphasis on quantitative factors that has prevailed up to this point. The Athenians laid siege to the city and withdrew most of their troops from the island to fight elsewhere. This Pericles does despite hostility directed against him: He indicates he will particularly discuss the Athenians’ relations with the Persians, the revolts of their allies, and contacts with the Peloponnesians 1.

What makes it possible is sea power. It was a relationship between reader and author, not one between author and his subject matter. Melos indigothe Delian League orangethe Peloponnesian League green.

My own suspicion is that he saw his account as a corrective to a simplistic view that the war resulted from the passage of this decree and Pericles’ resistance to its repeal.

But it is only well after the Trojan War that the process of “uprooting” abates sufficiently for more general security A second confirmation came from the New Criticism then so dominant in American studies of literature. Yet, on closer examination, this truism fades into irrelevance. Speaking in this fashion Pericles tried to relieve the Athenians of their passion [orges] against him and to draw away their thoughts [gnomen] from the present troubles.


These indicate immediate hostility on the part of Sparta to Athenian leadership. Thucydides’ work revealed a precedent for our own polarized world, and might, we hoped, provide a guide through the perils of contemporary international affairs. As in that passage the Athenians are the center of attention. Others have great wealth and ships and horses; we have good [agathoi] alliei who must not be betrayed to the Athenians. Introduction 19 sequentially from book 1 to the abrupt break at the end of book 8.


If the Melians lose, which is highly likely, they will come to bitterly regret their foolish optimism. Jackson of the University of Melbourne has pointed out to me how striking the parallels are between this fragment of Gorgias and the second book of Thucydides.

Our attention 30 Note the following parallels between She stimulates us to supply what is not there. The Melians argue that they are a neutral city and not an enemy, so Athens has no need to conquer them. But the change was more than a momentary one, for the Athenians became thereby the leader of one of the two great coalitions in the Greek world, a naval empire ranged against the formidable land power of Sparta and her Peloponnesian League 1.

The Athenians do not wish to waste time arguing over the morality of the situation, because in practice might makes right—or, in their own words, “the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must”. The donors are described, it will be noticed, as toi Malioi’the Melians’.

At least that was the case for me. In BC, Athens sent an army of 2, men led by Nicias to raid the Melian countryside, [8] but the Melians refused to do battle and the Athenians were not willing to mount a siege.

And so there was great eagerness of this voyage, so much so that they ate as they rowed, barley mixed with wine and oil. Taubler, Die Archdohgie des Thukydides Leipzig We can already detect that his treatment of this war will not fully reproduce the initial austere but confident approach to the Greek past but will break new ground and grow into a new form.

Kinesis is an unusual word at this point in the development of Greek, clear enough in general meaning but obscure and surprising in this context.